Other Columnists

The declared aim and ideal of African liberation and pro-democracy movements toward democratic transitions fall in three broad categories. The first are countries where the armed liberation movements that once secured independence from colonial rulers are still in power (Angola and Mozambique 1975; Zimbabwe 1980; Namibia 1992; South Africa 1994). Then there are the second generation liberation movements that waged armed struggles against African dictatorships in the 1990s, and have been in power ever since (National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in Ethiopia, and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) /People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) in Eritrea). And thirdly, there are pro-democracy movements that have seen the establishment of multi-party political systems since the early 1990s in many African countries like Zambia and Malawi. But also in the new democracies there has been a striking weakness of opposition, and the pro-democracy party has generally remained in power. As a striking contrast to electoral policies in new democracies globally, African incumbents have seldom lost elections, despite persistent poverty and poor governance. Dominant executives, weak democratic institutions and shrinking space for critical deliberation and contestation of political power characterize most countries—despite democratic constitutions and multi-party elections.

By MARK OPPENHEIMER,New York Times Published: August 17, 2010 The most impressive thing about “The Tenth Parallel” is that Eliza Griswold lived to write it.

By Sharon Schmickle | Friday, Aug. 13, 2010 To aid the militant Somali insurgent group called al-Shabaab is to invite major legal trouble if you do it in Minnesota or any other U.S. state. That much, federal authorities have made clear with a string of indictments that grew considerably longer last week.

It is very rare now in Uganda to see an Italian made vehicle traversing the roads unless it is a new model but not those Fiat cars that were mostly used by thieves and smugglers during Idi Amin's regime in the 1970's.

Concerns over the extent of U.S. military aid in war-torn Somalia as well as challenges for the U.S. military command structure in Africa are leading American experts to scrutinize the U.S. security role on the continent.

The completion of the Tekeze hydro-power project in Ethiopia ushers in a new source of renewable energy, educational opportunities and economic development for the people of Ethiopia

On the first Thursday in December a young Danish-Somali man in women’s clothes blew himself up in a suicide attack in Mogadishu. Four days earlier, Somali pirates had hijacked a 300,000-tonne supertanker 800 miles out to sea. Somalia’s abject failure does not end at its own borders: the chaos is spreading far across its frontiers and beyond its coastline.

China flexed its growing political muscle to seal a compromise climate deal that protected its national sovereignty, but did little for global warming or Beijing's international image.

Technological advances in rice production have enabled China to feed an additional 60 million people per year since 1978, while investments in agriculture by farmers in Niger have revitalised an estimated 5 million hectares of land and improved access to food for at least 1 million people.

Its historic visit or is it? The current visit of DDS officials in Europe has created quite some excitement in the Somali State Diaspora community, both the pro-government and the Opposition. Whether they are in Europe, in the Scandinavian, or in North America, the Diaspora community was engaged in a lively heated debate since the first day the DDS officials led by Abdifatax Sheikh Abdullahi, head of the ruling party SPDP, landed in Stockholm, Sweden. Before the DDS officials left the country, they were not sure what to expect from the Diaspora community. They had some serious reservation and some were even fearful of the encounter. The Diaspora community was also divided: the opposition was up in arms and even went as far as calling for their heads, while the majority was confused and didn’t know what to do. They were absorbed in self debate; whether to meet or not to meet with these officials. The majority were willing to listen but didn’t want to give the impression of supporting what some believed were irresponsible and deficient leaders. Both sides were hopeful of the encounter but didn’t have any clue how it will play out or the outcome. On the other side, were the Ethiopian embassies in Stockholm, Sweden and London, working tirelessly to host conferences and meetings between the communities and the officials without any embarrassments. The goal of the trip was first and foremost, to expose the DDS officials to both their critics and supporters. The second goal was to engage, inform and win the hearts and souls of the Diaspora community which has significant impact on the Somali regional government-socially and politically. The third goal was to open and create a doubt in the minds of the Diaspora community about the ONLF, an armed group currently engaged in the region.